AAP’s New Tech Rules and Creating Your Own Family Digital Media Plan

You’ve probably seen the new guidelines that the American Academy of Pediatrics recently published on how much time kids should be spending in front of screens on a daily basis.

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It’s something that has garnered a lot of attention in the news. The headlines are all over the place on this. Depending on the site you visit, you may have a wildly different reaction to what the new guidance actually says.

CNN used New Screen Time Rules for Kids, by Doctors. This is pretty straightforward, no nonsense. What it is, and who said it.

The WSJ used Banning Tablets is Best for Children. The subheadline follows: “Latest guidelines recommend just one hour of screen time a day of ‘high quality programming.'”… This is pretty confusing. So, should we ban tablets or shoot for one hour a day?

Gizmodo used We Were Wrong About Limiting Children’s Screen Time. This is kind of foreboding. How were we wrong? Are our kids brains already mush? Is it too late for our kids?

So, what did the AAP actually say?

They set the stage by saying that kids today spend an average of seven hours a day on electronic entertainment in front of the tv, computers, phones and other electronic devices. This is a crazy amount of time! If a kid is at school from 8 until 3 and getting entertained by technology for the rest of the day, that doesn’t leave a lot of time for interacting with family, running around outside, or doing things like sports. The whole seven hour thing is something they think parents need to change.

How do parents do that, you ask? Well, they suggested that parents come up with a media use plan for their kids. If you have no idea what this means, that’s ok. The AAP provides tools to help families make their own digital media plan. They have two different tools. One tool focuses on creating a family media plan. The other tool is a media use calculator.

The media plan is divided up into nine different categories for each child. The categories are screen free zones, screen free times, device curfews, choose and diversify your media, balancing online and offline options, manners matter, digital citizenship, safety first, and sleep and exercise.

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This is the Safety First section of the plan that I can work on for my three fake kids–Bill, Billy, and William. It provides age-appropriate suggestions for each age group, like “no texting and driving” for the 13-18 year-old and gives you the option to add your own guidelines. The AAP encourages you to return to this cite often throughout the year to reassess how your plan is doing and making adjustments for different times through the week like weekends and holidays.

The calculator allows you to see how much time your child should have for electronic entertainment after doing everything else he or she needs to do throughout the day. It helps parents prioritize things for their kids like getting a good night’s sleep and physical activity. These are the two default activities that have a period of time set off when you open the calculator. Screen time also starts with an initial period of time set off, but its time decreases as you increase other areas. Then it includes suggestions of things that kids should be doing each day like reading, going to school, and spending time with family. Here’s an example of what I was able to create for my imaginary 6-12 year-old “Bill.”

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As you can see, the way that I have prioritized everything for my hypothetical child leaves him with only 30 minutes of screen time each day. (As a nerdy aside, I was recently reading Doris Kearns Goodwin’s book about Abraham Lincoln, Team of Rivals. William H. Seward, one of the Republican candidates running against Abraham Lincoln for the presidential nomination, studied as a kid from 5 A.M. until 9 P.M. every day. This set the stage for his success as a governor, U.S. senator, and the U.S. Secretary of State. On the other hand, Lincoln did not have a lot of formal schooling. He obtained much of his education from books. He was always reading. Goodwin’s book is amazing. I highly recommend it. Aside over.)

Do you use tools like these? Have you found them to be effective?

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Sunday Inspiration: Washington’s First Inauguration Speech

This is the first inauguration speech delivered by a president of the United States. It captures the hopes and dreams for a fledgling nation of a man who sacrificed much and devoted his life to establishing that nation.


Fellow Citizens of the Senate and the House of Representatives.

Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the fourteenth day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years: a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my Country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with dispondence, one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpractised in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver, is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of eve ry circumstance, by which it might be affected. All I dare hope, is, that, if in executing this task I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof, of the confidence of my fellow-citizens; and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me; my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my Country, with some share of the partiality in which they originated.

Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station; it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official Act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the Universe, who presides in the Councils of Nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the People of the United States, a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No People can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the Affairs of men more than the People of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their United Government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most Governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me I trust in thinking, that there are none under the influence of which, the proceedings of a new and free Government can more auspiciously commence.

By the article establishing the Executive Department, it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject, farther than to refer to the Great Constitutional Charter under which you are assembled; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications, I behold the surest pledges, that as on one side, no local prejudices, or attachments; no seperate views, nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests: so, on another, that the foundations of our National policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of a free Government, be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its Citizens, and command the respect of the world.

I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my Country can inspire: since there is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists in the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity: Since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven, can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained: And since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the Republican model of Government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the Fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the System, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good: For I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an United and effective Government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience; a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.

To the preceeding observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honoured with a call into the Service of my Country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed. And being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments, which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the Executive Department; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the Station in which I am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.

Having thus imported to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign parent of the human race, in humble supplication that since he has been pleased to favour the American people, with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding with unparellelled unanimity on a form of Government, for the security of their Union, and the advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.

~ President George Washington, April 30, 1789


Where have you found inspiration this week?

Sunday Inspiration: Lincoln’s Second Inauguration

This speech was given as the North’s victory over the South was assured. It was an directed to both the North and the South, with an eye towards the future, and a suggestion that, despite the deep rift that rent the nation in two, there was hope that nation could be healed. Perhaps our nation could learn important lessons from it now.


Fellow-Countrymen:

At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.

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One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully.

The Almighty has His own purposes. “Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense colincoln_lastmeth.” If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgements of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.”

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.


Where have you found inspiration this week?